GLOOMY SITUATION IN FRELIMO by Uria T. Simango (1969)

Suponho nunca ter sido tornado publico, na sua totalidade, o documento apresentado por Uria Simango em Novembro de 1969 e que lhe valeu a expulsão da FRELIMO.

Para mais fácil impressão, no final, têm um link para formato doc. Espero, em breve, poder publicar a sua tradução em português.

GLOOMY SITUATION  IN FRELIMO

by Uria T. Simango 

Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) was formed in June 1962 as a result of fusion of three political organizations: UDENAMO, MANU e UNAMI. The persons who finally brought this unity which, for years was desired, are: Messrs Matew Mmole, president of MANU; Adelino Gwambe, president of UDEMANO and many others who were in Dar es Salam at that time.

The unification of these organizations was a very important achievement for the Mozambican people in their struggle against the Portuguese colonialism. This decision not with a strong opposition from individualist elements who thought this process would diminish possibilities of getting important positions in politics. This process aimed at bringing together and strengthening nationalist striking force against colonialism and imperialism did not please the enemies of freedom and independence. Despite all the efforts to prevent the formation of a Liberation Front the Liberation the desire of Mozambican people was realized.

The goal to be attained, independence of Mozambique from colo­nial rule was the guiding principle in accepting members into the Front. This means that every Mozambican irrespective of his creed or sex or political belief could be given membership if accepted, the rules and programme of the Front. In  the opinion of the founders the Front was to lead the black masses of Mozambique yelling under the Portuguese colonialists in  the struggle against them for freedom and independence. The unity and struggle were based on Mozambican and African nationalist.

This orientation which guided the founders of the Mozambique Liberation front helped to rally all members of former organizations and others in the consolidation of the Front and the struggle.

1966, A YEAR OF DIFFICULTIES

There were two main sources of difficulties: The Mozambique Institute and Cabo Delgado Province.

1. Mozambique Institute:

The students at the Mozambique Institute were against the phy­sical presence of Portuguese nationals as their teachers for obvious reasons. To them this was a further form of colonialism, most dangerous one, brain wash (indoctrination). It should be said here how­ever that perhaps they were not aware of the real danger that was encroaching the movement. Although they had come on technical basis the Portuguese were determined through cunning ways, to infiltrate the Central Committee as members. Marcelino dos Santos played a very important role to achieve this, on the basis that they are also Mozambicans as the black masses – that they should not be discriminated against – a definition which was not established by any (?organization).

It must be made clear that the students were not against white teachers as some tend to spread. There were other white teachers from USA, India, GDR_, and Checoslovaquia but they did not demand their removal. To them it was not a problem of race but a group of people who could be in the organization on the Portuguese government mission. They convinced themselves that these elements were for this purpose.

The participation of Father Gwenjere in the Mozambique Institute problems and in other affairs of FRELIMO was an expression of sympathy and solidarity with his own people.

It is necessary to give a short remark on races. The meeting of the Central Committee of September, 1968, discussed the question of

employing foreigners in the organization for technical tasks. Although some members were against employing people of Portuguese nationality the majority approved with a condition that they will have to accept the policy of FRELIMO and not to interfere in internal affairs of the organization. Some comrades doubted, even refused to accept this, not on employing foreign people from friendly countries, but only Portuguese people. As was seen in the meeting nobody was against having white people help in the organization as such. Those who refused based on previous experiences many problems appeared, they (Portuguese) wanted to be members of the Central Committee. To say that there is racism in FRELIMO is not true, but there is the spirit of vigilance in order to prevent imperialist infiltration and interference, in defense of the revolution and peopled interests.

The question of definition as who is a Mozambican in order to establish a clear legal status of many nationalities found in Mozambique: Portuguese, English, French, Swiss, Belgian, etc., was decided by the meeting of September, 1968 that it would be discussed by the meeting of March, 1969, which unfortunately was not discussed.

2. Cabo.Delgado Province:

One year later after the formation of FRELIMO we created an organizing secretariat and James Msada-lah who until then was secretary for finance was appointed secretary for organization.

After one year the work of political organization was divi­ded in two parts: interior and exterior. It was on this basis that Lazaro Nkavandame was appointed regional chairman of Cabo Delqado Province, a position today known as provincial secretary. According to our constitution a provincial secretary is the maximum leader of the province, politically and militarily. Below the provincial commander of the army in each province would be second to the provincial secretary.

   Many complaints of ill treatment and unnecessary capital punishment to the fighters and people in general reached the head­quarters. They reached an alarming stage at the beginning of 1967, particularly from Cabo Delgado Province. When asked the military leaders refused to be practising this.

Towards the end of 1967 the political leaders of Cabo Delgado (chairmen and provincial secretary) accused the leadership of FRELIMO of giving instructions (permission) to the army to kill as they pleased.

The number of deserters from Cabo Delgado and Nyassa rose sharply. There were many factors, but one of the reasons given was that there were merciless assassinations of fighters and severe puni­shments for minor offences, even on personal basis. This was more frequent in Cabo Delgado Province.

The situation became more serious in the end of 1967 and beginning of 1968, when the chairmen of Cabo Delgado and their initi­ative announced that there would be no more such punishments which were being applied in the province. Cooperation between the political leaders and the army decreased greatly. Those who ran away from the army to the villages got support and protection from the masses so much so that they could not be recovered. As fear increased the chairmen- requested the Central Committee to call a Congress to discuss problems in the organization. When the Congress was held in July 1963 the Chairmen and Provincial Secretary did not attend. The Chairmen alleged that there was a plot to kill them if in the Congress they disagreed with the opinion of the military delegation of Cabo Delgado. Everything was done to convince them that nothing of the sort would happen to them but they maintained their position.

They refused to endorse the decisions of the Congress and they called a conference at Mtwara and invited members of TANU to be present. They rejected the leadership of FRELIMO (Dr. Mondlane) and demanded that he withdraws and if continued they would separate them­selves from such a leadership and lead the struggle in the province in the name of FRELIMO and would continue to contribute for the liberation of the whole country. Because of the same reason, mass assassination of fighters and population and that was impossible without the blessing of the leaders, they refused the advice TANU exerted that it was a wrong principle to succeed.

Subsequent meetings tried to persuade them to return to the provinces and occupy their posts but they could not be convinced of the alternative, it became a dead lock. Following this they organized themselves to prevent any leader of FRELIMO from going into the province and that is how comrade Kankhomba was killed, December 1968.

In February 1969 Dr_. Mondlane died of a bomb explosion in a girl friend's house near a beach at Oyster Bay in Dar es Salaam.

Problems in FRELIMO began at the beginning of the organization in 1962, with Adelino Gwambe, Paulo Gumane, David Mabunda, Leo Milas, etc., who are not at the moment in the organization; but they reached a more serious degree towards the end of 1965 and in 1966 with the pressure to remove Filipe Magaia from the military leadership and replace him with Samora Moises Machel. These efforts were strongly opposed, until he was killed in September 1966, in Mozambique, by our soldier whose case is still pendent.

We reached a certain time that only a few people met to take decisions and announced that the Central Committee had decided; unfortunately were all elements from one region, the South, Frank discussions bf problems also regular meetings of the Executive or Central Committee ceased to exist.

PRESENT SITUATION

The above was intended to give a connection with the present events in  the organization, which are not less serious.

There are people in the organization who tend to give/develop a theory that there are two groups in the organization, one led by Dr. Mondlane and the other by Uria Simango. I refute this theory and say that there is one group, the first one, events below described will prove this to be true. However it should be said that there are many people in the party who think that some of our policies are not correct. Such people do not constitute an organized group against anybody, but whenever they are informed of such bad policies they say their opinion* It is possible that they may be two or more who do not agree with certain decisions at the same time. Problems which divided the Central Committee are such as the Mozambique Institute which some maintained an opinion that it should be directed and controlled by FRELIMO and others sustained that it should be indepe­ndent. Because the first group was right - the Institute was nationalized in 1968, when FRELIMO for the first time had the prerogative to appoint the Principal of the Secondary School. However, there are distortions of decisions about the Mozambique Institute and there are certain things which still need to be settled. How finally these problems will be resolved is still a question mark.

    There is a swing to say that we are divided on ideology. This can only mean difference on economic, religious, social policies (class), etc.  I agree that ideology is very important but it should never be considered as a uniting or dividing factor of the nationalist liberation forces of Mozambique at this stage, if all agree and accept fundamental principles: a) liberate Mozambique from the Portuguese colonial domination and b) through the armed struggle. Our struggle today is not principally an ideological or class one* iris a struggle of masses of people against foreign domination, Portuguese colonialist, for freedom and independence of these masses. The question of scientific socialism and capitalism in Mozambique should not be allowed to divide us if it becomes a must, of course at a later stage of the struggle* This should not be interpreted as to mean that we should allow or develop a bourgeois or capitalist oriented group in FRELIMO, for our objective is to emancipate our people completely...this is our commit­ment. The people with religious background should participate in the administration of the country is a problem that will be seen later too. It is wrong to say that we are implanting socialism in the country, to say so only reveals our ignorance of what socialism is. To say that we are not building socialism now does not mean that we may not in the future realize it. Therefore if there is an indigenous bourgeois class at the moment and if it is willing to contribute' for the liberation of the country we must accept its cooperation because since our struggle is divided in various stages, the first stage is a liberation one by a national liberation movement by all the people without discrimination based on sex, creed, wealthy condition, etc. Fortunate enough there is no indigenous bourgeois class that should contend with. On the other hand we are not yet strong enough to fight the Portuguese and their allies and at the same time wage a war against a national bourgeois class.  If they (bourgeois) existed we would rally them to fight with us against the common enemy. Within the organization, certainly we must fight all forms of corruption, reactionalism and bourgeoisie, using our machinery of political education. It therefore, become; ridiculous to waste our energy to a point of destroying our unity of fighting pretended enemy, bourgeois class, with an intention to impress somebody, if there is anybody who can be impressed.

Our organization continues affected by a MALADY. It would be hypocrisy to say that the serious crisis of 1968 is resolved in our movement. One can feel the presence of a general demoralization amongst many members of the Central Committee and their quitting of the organization. Some may quickly say that they are undisciplined or anti-revolutionaries. It is good to say so but we should look before we leap. Without expression of true unity and enthusiasm in ourselves we can hardly lead the struggle to a successful end. This disease affecting our movement and our liberation struggle must be cured. To ignore this situation is to be ignorant of what we want and of how to achieve it.

This situation is a manifestation of existence of sharp contradictions among members of the Central Committee. This situation is unavoidable as long as exist a group within that is determined to liquidate others physically for political and material gains. Absence of good will to eliminate contradictions and presence of imperialist influence and external instigation makes the situation worse.  It happens that instead of fearing the Portuguese colonialist, we go insecure and distrustful of one's own brother, for he does not care to kill others. Had there not been a decision at Oyster Bay about this action and nobody had been killed we would not be worried by this situation.  It is sad that we are going through crisis of this nature.

We would like to spend our time, effort and energy on fighting and defeating the enemy instead of fighting and killing one another, as is the present situation, using the weapons given by friendly countries to fight colonialism and imperialism.

As long as activities of this nature are paid up by imper­ialists it is with difficulty that we shall solve these problems. It is a pity that our struggle is being faced by problems which appear to be childish.

In spite of all this, ways should and will be found, unfai­lingly, to solve these problems, once and for all.

There is a very  strong feeling of sectarianism, regionalism and tribalism. We must accept the existence of these evils and we should courageously combat them and the spirit of individualism mani­fested in the frequent utilization of the pronoun "I" (eu). At this moment of serious crisis we must use such emergent measures to correct that is wrong in the organization in order to avoid a collapse too prejudicial to our cause, the liberation of our country.

Personally I know that there  are some people who are responsible for the past and the present situation and only through admitting this fact and accepting the following conditions that I can feel morally capable of continuing to cooperate. These people are not serious and do not stand for unity of Mozambican people, for the realization of quick emancipation of our people. Their individualistic attitudes and cooperation with doubtful forces for self interests makes participation and cooperation vain and impossible. Working in this manner is not for the advantage of the people. These activities can only evidence the true nature of these elements, seek for personal gains, materially and politically. They do not even spare the most evil means to achieve these ends, including assassinations. Before tabulating these conditions let us have a look at a serious crime they committed, THE DEATH OF SILVERIO RAFAEL NUNGU.

That there was frequent, cold blooded and deliberate killing in our army is a matter that was of heated discussions inside and outside FRELIMO. Deserters always said this was being done and the chairmen of Cabo Delgado came up with this as the main reason for their adamant demand for secession. Our military officers always refused this allegation and this created two different opinions on the problem. Every­body sought for evidence. The death of comrade Nungu has given light to the whole affair, has proved all these allegations to be true.

Nobody is against the application of capital punishment to those who deserve it, those who collaborate with or are our enemies. Even so each case should be examined and found necessitating to give such a punishment, otherwise it would be vandalism. With regard to assassinators of comrades: Filipe Magaia, Mateus Muthemba, Paulo Samuel Kankhomba and Silverio Rafael. Nungu should accordingly be punished, no mercy should be shown on the involved for they are really enemies of the revolution and of the people of Mozambique.

  Towards the end of February and beginning of March this year, after the death of Dr. Mondlane, late President of FRELIMO, several people from the southern region of our country, amongst them Samora Moises Machel, Joaquim Chissano, Marcelino dos Santos, Armando Guebuza, Aurelio Manave, Josina Abiatar Muthemba, Eugenio Mondlane and Francisco Sumbane, held several meetings at Janet Rae Mondlane's house at Oyster Bay. She also took part in the meetings. They studied the circumstances surrounding Dr. Mondlane's death as a person from their tribe, as to who had killed him. Janet told the meeting that Filipe Magaia, Sansao Muthemba and Dr. Mondlane had been killed by the people of the north (from Beira to Ruyme river) because they are against us of the south. She was corrected, the death of Magaia, being told that he was killed by a person from the south and not from the north. They also discussed how they could defend for and safe­guard the interests of the people of the south.

The meetings concluded that Uria Simango, Silverio Nungu, Mariano Masinye and Samuel Dhlakama were their enemies, were respon­sible for Dr. Mondlane's death and should therefore be eliminated. This decision was criticized by two elderly men, Francisco Sumbane and Eugenio Mondlane, cousin of the deceased. They insisted that they should all cooperate and work with Simango on the contrary it was tribalism. Their advice was not given heed.

It was decided that during the following meeting of the Central Committee action should be taken. If is became impossible to persuade Simango and Nungu to go to Mozambique, force should be used (kidnap). Marcelino advised the meeting that killing Simango at this stage would produce bad effect because he was internationally known, however he agreed to kill Nungu now, and eliminate Simango politically first in the international field.

In July after receiving report on Nungu^’s death they discussed how to proceed with the killing of others, the next person being Simango.  It was decided that members of the Presidential Council should go into the country separately to inspect work in the three provinces we are waging the armed struggle, Cabo Delgado, Niassa and Tete.  If he goes, Samora and Marcelino declared, will not return, that will be his end_.

Meanwhile they speak about a letter supposed to have been

sent from Cabo Delgado in August to invite Simango to visit the Provi­nce to solve certain problems. A meeting which took place at Mtwara in the same month, at which Samora Machel, Aurelio Manave and Janet participated discussed about the letter.

On their return Manave spoke publicly about the letter and Simango^’s trip to Mozambique.

As all of the group of conspiration know that I and others have details of the assassination plans, they will not hand in the letter because my death will be associated with the letter, clear evidence that my death was organized by them.

Three days of the last Central Committee meeting of April 1969 were devoted to attacking and destroying Simango and Nungu and indirectly Mariano and Dhlakama. No vote would such premeditated decisions. Personally I spoke for seven consecutive hours and another eight hours divided in various periods to reply to such unfounded attacks.  It was a decisive moment, whether FRELIMO would everything to keep all of us together - I sacrificed for sake of unity. The meeting did not understand, I suppose, why I was cool and calm, presided over throughout the eleven days of the meetings.

    We formed the Presidential Council of three people and elected me as coordinator of the Council, a decision which surprised me indeed.  In spite of all my suspicions 1n this arrangement I decided to cooperate, work towards diminishing our differences and consolidate our unity for the cause of freedom and independence of our country. My colleagues, from the next day of the closure of the Central Committee meeting, after I had left for a meeting with the Government of Tanzania in the South, embarked upon a campaign against me, amongst our fighters, people and abroad in foreign countries. If I worked against them let them produce evidences.

After demotion of comrade Nungu it was decided that he should go to Mozambique to work at the Central Military Base in Cabo Delgado Province, and these conditions were established:

a)   On consideration of his health he would not participate in combats;

b)   He would help to organize administration of the army and of the provincial secretariat;

c)   He would help to give practical training to other comrades in administration;

d)   He would organize census on district level in the liberated areas, some comrades would help him in doing this.

We believed the words of the comrades, that nothing would happen to him - assurances were given in the words in Samora and provincial secretary of Cabo Delgado, Raimundo Pachinuapa, so off he went, at the beginning of May (3rd May) a scene of Judas Iscariot, disciple of Jesus Christ.

At the beginning of July we were informed by military leaders of the Cabo Delgado Province that Nungu had died of hunger strike, had refused to eat for eight days, after he was interrogated on organizing a group against the organization and on wanting to run away to hand himself to the Portuguese authorities...great absurdity!

The following copies of his letters to friends show the contrary to what we were officially informed, show that he was happy and concerned about the struggle his true nature…motive led to his imprisonment together with Magaia in Beira and reason of running away from Moza­mbique at the beginning of 1962 with Magaia, Feliciano Gundana and others. Nungu is one of the first revolutionaries and militants in the struggle against the Portuguese colonialism. He joined the first underground political organization of which I happened to be one of the leaders and enrolled him, Magaia and others, belonging to the Beira branch, long before the formation of UDENAMO, MANU and UNAMI. He actively participated in the formation of the Mozambique Liberation Front in Dar-es-Salaam,

HOW HE REALLY DIED?

On his arrival in Mozambique he was well received and in conformity with his qualities soon became popular. He wrote several letters to friends narrating his trip and that everything was all, right, advising them to send clothing whenever they could because many comrades were without clothing or were badly dressed. Read annex I and II at the end of this document.

THIS IS WHAT HAPPENED:

On a given day, it should be 16th June, he was brought to the public and accused of being responsible for nakedness of the people because on receiving clothes for the organization he sent them to his store and used all the money donated for work of the organization which could be used be used for buying clothing for fighters for personal purposes. No particular sum of money or special consignment of clothing were indicated. "He is your enemy and enemy of the revolution" they said, and demanded that they (people) should decide what to do with him. Drama of Christ before Pilate, the Roman ruler! There came a deep silence from both the fighters and the people. They retreated with him.

At the camp he was submitted to a long and harsh interro­gation on personal and private life. Was forced to write a declara­tion if he wanted to live. As it was getting dark he was severely beaten to unconsciousness and draggled and left a few yards away. When he became conscious he crawled back and slept in the verandah. When they saw him alive at day break they beat him again, suspended him by the neck, pierced his stomach side by bayonet removed and put him in a cell by himself, where he died. On 18th as it got dark they removed his main clothing, was draggled by the legs, and buried behind the kitchen in a shallow grave. HE WAS ASSASSINATED, HE DID NOT DIE OF HUNGER STRIKE.

He was not an agent of the Portuguese colonialists as < his assassinators want to convince us of and the world; neither was he anti-revolutionary. He was killed because of his stand in defense of freedom, democracy and equality and for being a staunch fighter of colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism* and vigilant militant against imperialist infiltration.

WHO KILLED NUNGU?

What happened in Mozambique is just a fulfillment of the plan drawn and decision taken at Janet's house at Oyster Bay by the clique of criminals on obedience of imperialist plan, which they considered to be capable of satisfying their interest too. All those who participated in the meetings, are responsible for Nungu's cruel deaths their hands are bloody they are criminals. They are also responsible for many unnecessary executions of fighters and people. They must bear the responsibility for the most desertions and present situation of our movement*

We cannot say "Let the by gones be by gones^”; those respo­nsible for these crimes should bear the responsibility on their should­ers the uncommitted to work for the imperialists must defend the lives of the fighters and of the people and their rights and interests.

As I have said above, personally I cannot accept to be part of crimes against our people. Only with radical and complete change of such a situation that I can morally feel to cooperate; otherwise it is an honor to dissociate myself with the actions of the criminals for you cannot trust them, they are vipers - tools of imperialism.

To solve these problems I demand:

a)   The right of the people to participate in running their affairs and in the solution of national problems must be restored. More and more we must establish and develop people's admiration (councils) in the liberated areas. This demands there­fore the speed up of training of personnel, politically and techni­cally, so that they can fully assume their duty. Restoration of people's right - the voice of the people, is a historical demand.

b)   Abolition once and for all nepotism, tribalism, regionalism, corruption and black-mail which certain elements use to achieve their ends and of their masters.

Since 1966 there has been a tendency of a group, unfor­tunately composed by people from the south which Included the late president of FRLIMO, to meet and take decisions by themselves and impose them on other people through maneuvers. The late President of FRELIMO was criticized by some conscious people from the south, what such kind of method of work would in the final analysis cause. No considerations was given to this advice. This group continues with this method, many meetings take place at Janet's house, only people of the tribe participate. We must understand that there is no tribe in Mozambique which is superior to others. We are fighting in order to eliminate race superiority of white men or right of a given group to oppress and exploit other groups. All tribes should be given equal treatment, opportunity and right, now during the struggle and after independence.

It should not be understood as a struggle or discrimina­tion against people from the south, but against tribal or any other groups which can fatally disunite us and establish perpetual contra­dictions among us. When we speak about the group from the south it is necessary to say with must emphasis, some elements of Gaza!.

I must say here that there are many people from the south who are against tribalism and oppose strongly activities of the criminal group in question, they themselves happily work with others.

This group goes as far as cooperating with Paulo Gumane in fighting people of the north just because he comes from the south. He was requested to cooperate on killing Simango and Francisco Kufa, our representative in Lusaka, Zambia, at the payment of American dollars.

c)   Disregard and non-adherence to our basic laws contained in our constitution has done us a great harm* The proponents of constant and unstable changes do so with a view to obtaining personal gains. This spirit cannot be considered as unitary and collectivism This kind of spirit in many countries has led people to commit unaccountable serious crimes. This spirit cannot help us to liberate Moza­mbique. The principle of strict respect of and adherence to our con­stitution should be restored. We must go back and begin from the decisions of the second Congress of July 1968.

d)   The tendency to consider our students studying abroad as reactionaries and agents of imperialism because they do not agree with some of our policies and therefore establish preference to employ foreigners in the organization to our graduating students should energetically be combated and eliminated. A good climate should be created for them to come to contribute, acquaint and integrate them­selves in the revolution. Priority should be given to them in the technical responsibilities they are qualified for which we require foreigners to do. This United Front, the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) should have place for all Mozambicans who want to give genuine contribution to the liberation of our country. We ought there­fore to reestablish contacts with them and open a gate for them to participate as militants of FRELIMO in the national liberation struggle against our direct and common enemy.

All students who were studying at the Mozambique Institute should be accepted back when the school reopens. Those who are already studying and would not like to come back should not be forced to but should be considered as students of FRELIMO and be received when they return on finishing their studies unless they themselves decide on the contrary.

There are many children of school age, below 18 years old, in centers of FRELIMO. Places in the schools of Tanzania and other countries should be found to place them so that they may study, until our secondary school is reopened. To retain those who have finished primary education and yet could be studying in other schools is not in conformity with our principles - preparing cadres for future responsi­bilities in Mozambique and even during the revolution. It we cannot find places for them in secondary schools of other countries we should give liberty to them or their parents to find schools for them where-ever they can find them. In doing so we shall be creating conditions to consolidate our revolution - now during the armed liberation struggle and after independence.

e) POLITICAL AND MILITARY DESERTERS:

In some neighboring countries of Tanzania, Kenya, Malawi and Zambia there are FRELIMO deserters from military and political structures. Some left on justifiable grounds and others not. Whatever the case may be a dialogue should be opened with them and establish a general national reconciliatory atmosphere on which ground those who are willing to return to participate directly in the struggle should be accepted unconditionally, of course on the basis that they will conform with the principles and discipline of the organization.

Our enemies will oppose this measure because it is envisaged to consolidate our unity and unification of all nationalist Mozambican forces. This measure will also increase the fighting capacity of the national liberation movement of our country. All attempts of our enemies to divide and maintain us divided should be foiled. Agents of imperialism will hesitate to accept this and may even go further in cooperation with their masters to obstruct the operation of this national reconciliatory programme.

This programme does not include those proved to be working for the enemy.

f) Massacres of fighters should be terminated. Unity must be restored. Further assassinations amongst ourselves should be stopped forthwith. Cabo Delgado should cease to be a place of slaughter. Those responsible for the assassinations have done worse than the imperialists.

On these grounds:

i - Janet Rae Mondlane, because of her direct participation in the assassination of Nungu and in the general planning of assassi­nation of others, Uria Simango, Mariano Matsinye and Samuel Dhlakama, and because of her being agent and financial channel of imperialist activities to paralyze in a more subtle way the struggle of the people of Mozambique against colonialism and imperialism for freedom and inde­pendence, and because she is the source of massive corruption in FRELIMO, particularly of the people from the south and military leaders, she must quit immediately and return to the United States of America and cease having any dealing in Mozambique affairs.

ii - Because of direct participation of Samora, Chissano and Marcelino in planning the death of Nungu and of those mentioned above and for execution of many comrades unjustly, they are criminals and they must therefore forthwith resign and enter trial. They are enemies of unity and independence.

These three and Armando Guebuza are partly responsible for some mistakes Dr. Mondlane made which created many problems for the organization and himself* The advice Dr. Mondlane was given by some people from the south, not to constitute his council of people only from the south was not taken into consideration because of these elements.

iii - The Director of the Mozambique Institute will be a Mozambican (an African).

iv - Many comrades, including Domingos dos Santos, Hassani and Jorge Candeado who are in prison serving sentences whose lives are in danger, should be brought for trial and their crimes made known. Since their crime is of not supporting the policy of the assassins they should be released immediately.

All these measures are intended to correct the errors which have existed in the organization for many years and to give a new bro­therly and revolutionary spirit and to revitalize the movement. These measures can afford us to build unity and mutual confidence in the organization and to wipe corruption, imperialist interference and infil­tration into the organization, to build a true nationalist liberation movement capable of carrying out the task of the first stage - libera­tion of Mozambique.

This process to revive the revolutionary and nationalist spirit and to rehabilitate FRELIMO does not go in counter with or for altering our Foreign Policy contained in the document of the Second Congress.

I dissociate myself with the above crimes. Failure to comply with these demands will mean my immediate resignation.

Mozambique must be free. Determined armed struggle by all the Nationalist Forces is the only way.

3/11/69

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